"Caste is not just a division of labour, it is a
division of labourers." – DR. B.R AMBEDKAR
The caste-based occupational
hierarchy remains a predominant feature of the social and economic landscape in
the Indian subcontinent, where it continues to serve as a potent tool of
exploitation for the bourgeoisie and upper-caste elites .In Tamil Nadu’s salt
industry, caste and labor are deeply intertwined, continuing to shape the
everyday realities of workers, most of whom come from Dalit communities.
Despite being essential to this centuries-old industry, their contributions
remain largely ignored in policy circles and academic debates. The salt fields
in Tamil Nadu and the labor associated with them are framed in an inherently
casteist structure, where laborers are exploited to the fullest extent
possible. The systematic failure of the state to protect the rights and dignity
of salt workers exacerbates this situation, leading to severe economic hardship
and poor living conditions for these workers. The practice of occupational
hierarchy in the salt fields of Tamil Nadu can be traced back to the colonial
period when the East India Company (EIC) sought to assert control over the salt
production in the Madras Presidency. The EIC’s implementation of this
hierarchical structure ensured that the upper castes maintained dominance over
the land and labor, The same social structures of power, where the upper-caste
communities maintained control over the salt fields, persisted well into the
post-independence period and remain entrenched today. The hegemony of the
Mudaliyars, Nadars, and Pillais, over the salt fields continues, often at the
expense of the Dalit communities who perform the labor. The majority of
laborers in these salt fields belong to Dalit communities, particularly the
Pallar and Paraiyar sub-castes. These Dalit workers typically live in villages
that are situated near the salt pans, in settlements that are predominantly
made up of members of their own caste. In Tamil Nadu, there are primarily three
major salt fields that operate on a large scale, Marakkanam and Vedaranyam, and
thoothukudi these are areas where extreme forms of caste-based and economic
exploitation continue to take place.
The majority of salt fields in India are owned by the state or central government, and these lands are leased out through a system that is not only highly discriminatory but also reinforces the caste-based economic structure. From government records, it is evident that leasing an acre of salt land costs only 2,100 rupees, a seemingly affordable price. However, the lands are primarily acquired by upper-caste individuals, often from established landowning families. These upper-caste landowners then sublease the land to lower-caste individuals, primarily Dalits, for far higher amounts—between 20,000 and 30,000 rupees. Despite the Dalits performing the most labor-intensive work in the salt fields, almost none of them own or lease any land in the salt pans.In Vedaranyam, for example, much of the land is leased by members of the Pillai community, who also maintain control over labor and the trade unions such as INTUC (Indian National Trade Union Congress) in the area. This centralized control gives the upper-caste landowners an undue advantage over the salt workers, who are often from lower castes and are forced to accept exploitative terms. The landowners, who sub-lease it from the Pillai Community, typically from communities such as the Nadars and Vanniyars, lease out land to Dalit workers, yet they do not themselves participate in the grueling labor required for salt production. The workers, however, bear the brunt of the physical and mental strain involved in the salt harvesting process. The system thus reinforces caste-based inequality and limits the economic opportunities for Dalits, further entrenching their position at the bottom of the labor hierarchy.
Women in these salt fields face
some of the harshest conditions of all. Their lives are shaped by overlapping
layers of discrimination based on caste, class, and gender. The gender pay gap
in salt pans is stark and undeniable. For instance, in Marakkanam, the average
wage for a female salt worker is only ₹250 per day, while her male counterpart,
performing the same task, earns ₹350 per day. Women workers in Marakkanam
primarily handle the stomping, harvesting, and packing of salt, while the men
typically engage in the physically demanding task of loading the salt. Despite
the significant contribution of women workers to the overall productivity of
the salt fields, they are critically underpaid in comparison to their male
colleagues. Furthermore, the unpaid labor that women perform in their
households, such as cooking, cleaning, and caregiving, must also be taken into
account.. The workplace itself is far from accommodating. Basic needs like
toilets are missing, leaving women to manage in unsafe and unhygienic
conditions. Dalit women, in particular, face a double burden. They are
sidelined not just by upper-caste employers but also within their own
communities, where their struggles are often dismissed. Their voices are rarely
heard, their labor taken for granted, and their pain hidden behind layers of
silence.
The Tamil Nadu government has set
a minimum wage for salt workers, which, in 2019-2020, was 443 rupees per day,
including weekly and dearness allowances. In Thoothukudi, after prolonged legal
battles by the Center of Indian Trade Unions (CITU), the workers were able to
secure a fixed wage through the district court and the Industrial Tribunal.
However, in other areas like Marakkanam and Vedaranyam, this minimum wage
remains a distant aspiration. In Marakkanam, for instance, the wage for a male
worker is only 300 rupees per day, and for a female worker, it’s a mere 200
rupees per day well below the minimum wage set by the government. The
landowners in these areas argue that the seasonal nature of salt production
justifies the low wages, claiming that workers are employed only for a limited
period of the year. However, this excuse only serves to further exploit the
workers and prevent them from attaining fair wages for their labor.
The policy paralysis and
prolonged neglect by the authorities must be recognized as one of the primary
reasons for the devastating conditions faced by salt workers in the state. For
decades, the government has turned a blind eye to the plight of these workers,
allowing their suffering to persist without intervention. This systemic neglect
has created a fertile ground for upper-caste landlords to maintain their
dominance over the salt fields, exploiting the labor of marginalized
communities with impunity. Since the salt work is a seasonal work considering
salt cannot be harvested during rain, when the DMK government finally issued a
rain relief fund in 2021, the amount was grossly inadequate, failing to provide
meaningful support to salt-working families who have endured years of hardship.
The lack of timely and sufficient government action has only reinforced the
cycle of oppression, leaving workers trapped in exploitative conditions without
recourse to justice or relief.
Labor unions, which should ideally serve as a
crucial mechanism for workers to secure their rights, have instead been
weaponized against the very people they are meant to protect. In the salt pans,
unions often operate under the control of dominant caste groups, particularly
the Pillai community, who use their influence to suppress Dalit workers and
maintain castebased hierarchies. To dismantle this systemic oppression, a caste
audit must be implemented within labor unions to ensure fair representation for
Dalit workers. The unchecked autonomy of the Pillai community in both salt pan
operations and trade unions has been the biggest obstacle in the workers'
struggle for dignity. Only by addressing this caste-based hegemony through
structural reforms including Dalit Audits can only make the workers hope to
achieve true justice and equality in their workplaces.
